Patrick Henry on liberty or death

While driving last Saturday I came across a Christian radio show. The host was talking about how a shift toward socialism in the United States would effect the spiritual lives of the listeners. As interesting as that was it could not compare with the close of the show where the host read an entire speech as delivered by Patrick Henry on March 23, 1775 in St. John’s Church of Richmond Virginia.

“No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope that it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve.

This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty towards the majesty of heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren, till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation?

For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth — to know the worst and to provide for it. I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided; and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years, to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House?

Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with these warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation — the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motives for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies?

No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us; they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer on the subject? Nothing.

We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer.

Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament.

Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne. In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope.

If we wish to be free — if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending — if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained, we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak — unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance, by lying supinely on our backs, and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot?

Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of the means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us.

The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable — and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come!

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, “Peace! Peace!” — but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty, or give me death!” – Patrick Henry 1775

Lisa Fenn Gordenstein on attitude

On September 10, 2001 Lisa Fenn Gordenstein slipped a note under her husbands office door. A note about attitude which speaks volumes on freedom without even mentioning the word. The next morning she boarded American Airlines flight 11. At 08:46 the aircraft crashed into the North Tower of the World Trade Center. Lisa Fenn Gordenstein was one of the first to pay the price of freedom that day. But her spirit and her attitude will be the last to perish from this great nation she left behind that bright blue morning in September.

“Attitude, to me, is more important than facts. It is more important than the past, than education, than money, than circumstances, than failures, than successes, than what other people think or say or do…It will make or break a company, a church, a home.” – Charles Swindoll

Ronald Reagan on Socialized Medicine

In 1961, Ronald Reagan recorded an eleven minute LP against socialized medicine, warning that it would take away American freedoms.  The recording was part of “Operation Coffee Cup,” a campaign by the American Medical Association that opposed the Democrat’s plan to create Medicare.  As our country, once again, battles against those in Washington who want to ruin the American health care system as we know it, President Reagan’s words are eerily relevant still today. 

“One of the traditional methods of imposing statism or socialism on a people has been by way of medicine. It’s very easy to disguise a medical program as a humanitarian project, most people are a little reluctant to oppose anything that suggests medical care for people who possibly can’t afford it. Now, the American people, if you put it to them about socialized medicine and gave them a chance to choose, would unhesitatingly vote against it. We have an example of this. Under the Truman administration it was proposed that we have a compulsory health insurance program for all people in the United States, and, of course, the American people unhesitatingly rejected this.” – Ronald Reagan

Henry David Thoreau on doing good

While reading an article entitled Universal Health Care Isn’t Worth Our Freedom I was struck by these closing remarks of the article which help frame the concept of Freedom in the much larger context where it rightly belongs:

“If I knew for a certainty that a man was coming to my house with the conscious design of doing me good, I should run for my life.” – Henry David Thoreau

Herbert Hoover on the Trojan horse of ‘emergency’

After a long absence of what I considered relevant or inspired material for this blog I noticed the first half of this great quote today in a tweet from @DannyWilsher. A quick Google search revealed that the entire quote was even better than I imagined.

I hope you find these words of freedom as relevant to our current situation as I do:

“Every collectivist revolution rides in on a Trojan horse of ‘emergency’. It was the tactic of Lenin, Hitler, and Mussolini. In the collectivist sweep over a dozen minor countries of Europe, it was the cry of men striving to get on horseback. And ‘emergency’ became the justification of the subsequent steps. This technique of creating emergency is the greatest achievement that demagoguery attains.” – Herbert Hoover

Samuel Adams on the love of liberty

While adding a few new followers on Twitter tonight I came across an interesting quote posted by @ReadyontheRight. The quote was from Samual Adams and for me it captured my feelings about the events of the first 100 days of the Obama administration to a tee.

With each passing day the Obama administration pushes more and more of their social agenda on the country, all in the guise of what is necessary and in the best interest of the people. However I can not help but think that with each new bailout and executive order that a little more of our liberty is slipping away. Should this not change I fear we will soon find ourselves in a nation with rightful and irreconcilable differences.

“If ye love wealth better than liberty, the tranquility of servitude than the animating contest of freedom, — go from us in peace. We ask not your counsels or arms. Crouch down and lick the hands which feed you. May your chains sit lightly upon you, and may posterity forget that ye were our countrymen!” – Samuel Adams

Abraham Lincoln on our most sacred right

In honor of the April 15 Tea Parties being held today all across the country I thought it appropriate to look back at our greatest of presidents and remember these great words of freedom:

“Any people anywhere, being inclined and having the power, have the right to rise up, and shake off the existing government, and form a new one that suits them better. This is a most valuable – a most sacred right – a right, which we hope and believe, is to liberate the world. ” Abraham Lincoln

God Save The Republic!

Emerson on opportunity

Freedom and opportunity are infinitely intertwined. I have found no more eloquent an illustration of that concept than in these words:

“The days come and go like muffled and veiled figures sent from a distant friendly party, but they say nothing, and if we do not use the gifts they bring, they carry them as silently away.” – Ralph Waldo Emerson

Why Democracies Fail

In light of the current $787-billion economic stimulus package that, thanks to Three Republican Traitors, will be signed into law tomorrow, I am reminded of these famous words on Why Democracies Fail:

“A democracy cannot exist as a permanent form of government. It can only exist until the voters discover that they can vote themselves largesse from the public treasury. From that moment on, the majority always votes for the candidates promising the most benefits from the public treasury with the result that a democracy always collapses over loose fiscal policy, always followed by a dictatorship. The average age of the world’s greatest civilizations has been 200 years.” – Author Unknown*

* Though often attributed to Alexander Tylter there is strong reason to believe this is a misattribution. See the Truth About Tylter for more details.

John Keegan on slavery and liberation

“Slavery in the modern world implies the absolute deprivation of the individual’s liberty, while possession of weapons and mastery of their use are means to the individual’s liberation. We do not perceive how a man may be armed and at the same time bereft of his freedom.” – John Keegan

Timeless wisdom from the British author and, arguably the worlds best know, military historian.